REITs get criticized for being part of the housing affordability problem, but it turns out they aren’t

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Canada Mortgage and Housing Corp. If there was no evidence that real estate investment letters calculate higher rents than other landlords for comparable units.

Most of the Canadian, specially built rental apartment lessons were built before the nineties, and the maintenance of these aging stock has long been a challenge for the landlords.

This is one reason why real estate investments (riding) have occurred in the past two decades, capital for improving buildings and units and the quality of life for many tenants have improved.

However, critics have already accused of being part of the affordability problem, and claimed, organized real estate companies increase rents, the “financial” rental market and enforce aggressive tenant renovations.

For example, Martine August said the University of Waterloo, Professor Martine August, financial company, which are riding, increases rents to increase investor dates and systematically make housing construction less affordable.

New research results from Canada Mortgage and Housing Corp. (Cmhc), however, tell a different story. In two studies that cover the three most expensive rental markets in the country, Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal, it found no evidence that even more rents than other landlords calculate for comparable units.

The proportion of the specially built rental stock is just as important to give them market power to increase rents across the board. You have to compete on the free market and calculate what tenants are willing to pay and are able to pay.

In Toronto and Vancouver, the CMHC economist Wahid Abdallah used rental data, owner records and neighborhood characteristics to compare riding owners with similar owners of non-rides. After checking the location and amenities, key factors at the rental level, he found that there was no statistically significant difference in rents.

In each of these cities, around 10 percent of the rental stocks are already far too little to determine the market -wide rental level. Your participations often concentrate on triggered, annoying neighborhoods that can cheer on the perception of the shift. But gentrification is controversial, but not inherently negative.

The gentrification brings with it visible changes: improved housing stocks, higher incomes, more lively retail and often lower crime. The disadvantage is the possible shift of residents with a lower income.

Critics see this as socially undesirable, while the supporters say that the districts are developing and freezing them in their current state state risks. For example, New York's quarter Harlem has changed for decades, and although the shift concerns are valid, only a few would argue that his condition was acceptable in the 1970s.

Public order should not aim to preserve the constant urban decay. Instead, it should enable an improvement and at the same time ensure that residents in need of protection have access to adequate living space elsewhere.

According to CMHC, rents were essentially the same as in the same parts of the city and similar access to amenities in riding ownership and non-ownership units in the same parts of the city.

The same pattern was created in Montreal. Sean Nash, Senior Specialist at CMHC, found that riding ownership did not correspond to higher rents for comparable properties as soon as the analysis had taken into account the location priorities, operating features and strategic investment decisions by riding. In addition, renovations used to increase the operational effectiveness instead of enlarging rents.

The Canadian political decision -makers are faced with a strong decision in combating the rental supply: either restrict the role of large, organized landlords in favor of public social housing or keep a mixed model in which the private sector, from small landlords to already already, plays the dominant role in the provision and maintenance of pension stocks.

Pulling out non -profit players would be a monumental mistake. A third of the Canadians rent their houses and private landlords have most of this share. Replacing the profit motive with public provisions would require governments – municipal, provincial and federal more – to take over a financial and operational burden that they cannot carry realistically.

The governments are responsible for regulating the sector in order to protect tenants from excessive rent increases and unfair evacuations and at the same time act against problem tenants. Her focus should be on the delivery and maintenance of the social housing for those who have been published from the most cost -effective rentals in their markets, a task in which Canadian governments have been historically neglected.

Indeed, living space is a fundamental need, but also food and other important use of use, and governments do not set food prices. Your task is to regulate effectively and not to undermine the viability of private investments in housing construction.

Mis -led interventions risk repeating the mistakes of the former Eastern Bloc and parts of Western Europe, in which severe housing guidelines arise deteriorated public living space and long -term deficiency. The evidence of CMHC is clear: the bad guys on the Canadian rental markets are not riding. Public order should reflect this reality.

Murtaza Haider is the executive director of the Cities Institute at the University of Alberta and the business chairman of Radhe Krishna Gupa in cities and municipalities of the Alberta School of Business. Stephen Moranis is a veteran of the real estate industry.